Speech by Minister for Foreign Affairs Makhdoom Shah Mahmood Qureshi at the National Defence University ON 11 November 2009

 

President National Defence University,

Lt. General Muhammad Yousaf

Participants of the National Defence Course,

Armed Forces War Course and Allied Officers War Course,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me begin by thanking the National Defence University for giving me the opportunity to address the distinguished participants.

It is indeed a great pleasure to interact with one of the premium institutions of the country. I wish to avail this opportunity to have with you, a candid exchange of views on Pakistan's foreign policy.

But first, let us share some thoughts on what exactly is foreign policy, how it is formulated and in what ways is it different from say, foreign policies conducted half a century ago. As I speak, I will draw upon my experiences as the Foreign Minister, but also as a student of contemporary international relations.

I wish to focus on this particular area, because I feel that as students and responsible officers of the State, whichever State we belong to, we must have in this particular field, absolute conceptual clarity. Foreign Policy broadly defined in political science terminology, is the dynamic course of action a State follows in relation to other States and international actors.

I however, have a problem with this conceptualization.

I view it as a narrowly defined and narrowly focused concept, pertinent perhaps to the nation-State as it existed in 1947, but no longer relevant to contemporary settings. The twenty-first Century State is a State with diminishing borders and a wide array of State and non-State actors, and several centers of decision making and power.

In today's world, trans-national movements and actors, vested interests, pressure groups, corporations and a host of other entities impinge upon and have a say in policy formulation. And this is truer for democracies, which have to, more often than not, work on the principle of accommodating competing interests. If I were to use an analogy, previously, States were like well-guarded castles.

Foreign Offices were the guardians at the front gate, playing a key role in what comes in and what goes out.

Never in history, and nowhere in the world, it should be noted, were these guardians the sole decision makers. Foreign Offices provided key inputs, Foreign Offices were the communication nodes, and the implementation arms of formal diplomacy, but they have never been the sole makers of Foreign policy.

The picture today is more complex.

The walls of the castles have come down. The people inside are free to move around. In any case, a large number of inhabitants have moved out. In such a scenario, the guardian has become a guide and a facilitator. Facilitating, helping, interacting with a host of players from what was the castle, and a host of their counterparts from outside, to enable them to interact with each other.

In other words, Foreign Policy in a broad sense is no longer just the domain of the Foreign Office, even in terms of implementation.

Let me put it another way. The distinction between foreign and domestic policy has diluted, even as the art and practice of diplomacy, has evolved into specializations. Diplomacy today is a multi-disciplinary field which necessitates sophisticated and coordinated trans-institutional approaches to sophisticated twenty-first century challenges.

So besides the political interaction at the government to government level, there is security diplomacy, public diplomacy, resource diplomacy, trade diplomacy and now in our context, even transport diplomacy. These policies feed into and increasingly define the high level diplomacy that is associated with the Foreign Office.

But there is also one factor that in my view has not changed all the transformations in the domestic, regional and international architectures, notwithstanding.

But there is also one factor that in my view has not changed all the transformations in the domestic, regional and international architectures, notwithstanding. A simple, universal truth. Foreign policy is and will remain a function, a derivative and a reflection of national power. It can be nothing more, nothing less. With this small food for thought, I turn to Pakistan's foreign policy.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
Our foreign policy has historically been determined by:

• Pakistan's geo-strategic environment
• The peculiar circumstances of Pakistan's creation, the baggage of history and our politico-cultural identity
• Our security and resource needs

I will restrict myself here to the environment the democratic Government inherited, and has to deal with. We inherited a difficult domestic security and economic situation. We were challenged on many fronts; it was and remains a challenging situation. Terrorism and extremism are important areas impinging upon our internal as well as external environment. These phenomena are the fall-out of three decades of conflict in Afghanistan

Religion was deliberately exploited by the west to push back the Soviet army from Afghanistan. But thereafter, Afghanistan, along with its devastated social, physical and economic infrastructure, was all but abandoned. Pervasive poverty, ignorance and international neglect all created the right conditions for germination of extremist ideologies. The Taliban are a product of that era. And now the Frankenstein has come back to haunt us.

Terrorism remains the gravest, most immediate threat we face. It is compounded by trans-regional flows of illicit weapons, money and narcotics, as well as the porous nature of the border with Afghanistan. Contrary to what is claimed, it is Pakistan that is impacted by the developments in Afghanistan.

Regrettably, the US and the west in the past eight years have been following a flawed approach to tackle the menace. The symptom was attacked, but the disease was spared. Insufficient resources were allocated to reconstruction and development and to winning the hearts and minds.

In Afghanistan, poppy cultivation and drugs trafficking, that provided the main source of terror funding was never seriously addressed. There is now happily greater realization of past errors. And under President Obama, a greater willingness to change.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
Democracy in Pakistan has proved to be an important asset that has helped project Pakistan's strengths abroad. Our democratic legitimacy as well our ability to forge consensus particularly in the fight against terrorism and extremism has won recognition and appreciation abroad. Therefore, despite multiple challenges we have met with successes in the foreign policy arena. The democratic leadership is striving for peace, prosperity and stability in the region and globally.

The end objective is to achieve economic development that benefits the people. Our foremost achievement, in my view, has been to forge a domestic consensus to combating the threats posed by terrorists and extremists. Today, as never before, Pakistan's people, its Government, political forces and State institutions are united in their resolve to address the menace. This national resolve was at play when an area one-third the size of the United Kingdom was cleared of terrorists and miscreants within ten short weeks.

Managing the nearly 2 million displaced was a daunting task, that was made possible through the generosity of the people of Pakistan. This was all essentially a national effort. And this national resolve is again at display as our armed forces march into South Waziristan, and score victory upon victory against terrorists.

The terror attacks of recent days, tragic as they are, will not shake our resolve. They are a sign of desperation, of a foe with less and less space. Our efforts are recognized today, by the entire world. Instead of asking to do more, we are asked ‘how can we help more?' The international opinion is galvanized in Pakistan's favour. Just as we have given national ownership to the struggle against terrorism and extremism, we have also endeavoured to create regional ownership.

And to give the region a common vision, a common destiny including by extending beyond the war on terror. Hence our focus on trans-regional development cooperation

Over the past year and a half, our engagement with Afghanistan, and in trilateral frameworks with a host of regional players including Iran, the U.S., Russia, Turkey and Tajikistan has helped create a better regional environment.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
The second major challenge the democratic Government inherited was the economic one. Our currency was in free fall. Reserves had depleted. We had a fiscal deficit of 9.4%, double digit inflation, the lowest tax to GDP ratio in the region, a historic trade deficit that led to macro-economic instability. We had an increasing number of people living under the poverty line.

Under these circumstances Pakistan entered into a Stabilization Programme with the International Monetary Fund. The Programme is being implemented successfully. With the result that investor confidence is returning, stocks are resurging and reserves are once again nearing record levels. But we are not stopping here.

The democratic Government is placing a lot of emphasis on economic diplomacy. An economic diplomacy wing has been set up in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. And we have forged an effective framework of international support to Pakistan in the shape of Friends of Democratic Pakistan. FODP is not about aid, it is not about a donor-recipient relationship. FODP is about the international community coming together in solidarity with the Government and people of Pakistan.

In helping Pakistan build its capacity, realize its inherent strength. The first Summit of Friends of Democratic Pakistan was an outstanding success. Twenty four world leaders participated, and Presidents of International Financial Institutions expressed solidarity with Pakistan. They endorsed our vision for rehabilitation and reconstruction and committed to a partnership to overcome the energy crisis and provide further market access to Pakistan products.It has helped increase our diplomatic space.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
Regional strategic realities need to be taken into account. These can not be ignored. Our concerns arise from the growing strategic imbalance in South Asia. In the nuclearized South Asian environment, we cannot compromise on our legitimate security interests. Our nuclear policy is based on the concept of minimum credible deterrence. As a responsible nuclear weapon state we have striven to promote peace and stability in the region. We continue to pursue our proposal of Strategic Restraint Regime in South Asia with the three interlocking elements of conflict resolution, missile restraint and conventional balance. We hope that this will be reciprocated by India.

India
With India we seek a relationship of equality, based on mutual respect, mutual benefit and non-interference. Our principled stand has been reiterated in every engagement we have had with India. Based on this principled stand, we are working towards the resumption of the Composite Dialogue process which was given a pause by India in November 2008 following the Mumbai terrorist attacks. The issues of water, security, terrorism have been forcefully raised with India in all our interactions at all levels. We are seeking resolution of the Kashmir dispute in accordance with the aspirations of the Kashmiri people. We have driven home this fact, during our most recent interaction with the Indian side in New York, on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly Session.

We have called on the Indian side to respect the commitments made at Sharm El-Sheikh. Joint Declaration at Sharm El Sheikh declared that the two sides had

• considered the entire gamut of relations
• agreed that dialogue was the only way forward, and
• action on terrorism should not be linked to the Dialogue process

The Joint Declaration included for the first time a clear reference to threats in Balochistan and other areas in Pakistan. It also underscored that India was ready to discuss all issues with Pakistan “including all outstanding issues”. The reference was to all issues in the Composite Dialogue process including Jammu and Kashmir. We are convinced that the Composite Dialogue provides the framework for discussion on all outstanding issues including the core dispute of Jammu and Kashmir, as well as matters relating to peace and security, terrorism and drug trafficking, Wullar barrage, trade and economic interaction, cultural interaction, Sir Creek and Siachin

It is for India to decide what kind of a relationship it wants with Pakistan. We are convinced that the Joint Statement at Sharm El Sheikh affords a good basis for forward movement. We hope to build on the agreements and convergence reflected at Sharm El Sheikh, even as we remain cognizant of India's historic hostility towards Pakistan, its Pakistan-specific military capabilities and its destabilizing role in FATA and Balochistan.

Afghanistan
Pakistan's relations with Afghanistan since the democratically elected Government come into office have moved away from the days of acrimony. With the signing of the Joint Declaration on Directions of Bilateral Cooperation, in January 2009, we are following a forward-looking roadmap for the bilateral relationship with Afghanistan and for the region. We are negotiating a fresh Transit Trade Agreement with Afghanistan, and also working on a substantive trans-regional development agenda. In that context, we hosted the Third Regional Economic Cooperation Conference on Afghanistan, in May 2009, which, for the first time, identified a set of tangible projects of quick gestation. Pakistan maintained studied neutrality in the run-up, during and after the Afghan Presidential Election. This was widely appreciated by the international community. With the difficult election process now ending, and President Karzai being inaugurated for his second term in office, we hope to pick up the threads and build a bilateral relationship based on mutual trust and confidence. And pursue multi-track constructive engagement with even greater vigour.

Iran
With Iran, our relations have also improved. Bilateral engagement at the highest level has taken place with the President's visits to Tehran for the ECO summit and the Pakistan-Afghanistan-Iran Trilateral Summit. We have made significant progress on the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline, electricity and railroad project. Plans have been prepared to link Pakistan with Turkey and onward with Europe by rail, through Iran.

China
With China we have the most comprehensive economic, political and strategic relationship. We greatly value this relationship. We are working closely with China at all levels for mutually beneficial relations. Bilateral engagement is taking place at the highest political levels to broaden and deepen further our economic relations, enhance Bilateral trade and attract Chinese investment to build Pakistan physical infrastructure. Our leaderships' decision to visit China every quarter has helped follow-up and implement decisions regarding our multifaceted strategic relations.

United States
U.S. and Pakistan have been friends and allies for almost six decades yet our relationship has seen ups and downs. It has fluctuated from cooperation to sanctions under the Pressler amendment. Economic Assistance of $ 7.5 billion over the next five years, dedicated primarily to social sector development, at a time of global economic downturn is an expression of that long term commitment. Today, both sides are working on new terms of engagement, building a relationship based on mutual trust, mutual respect and understanding, making a long-term commitment to socio-economic development, investing in people, strengthening democratic institutions and rule of law.

The Kerry-Lugar bill has created some controversy in recent days. Certainly there are caveats and provisions to the security assistance being provided by the U.S. which we do not agree. Let me state clearly that there is no question of the Government compromising on national interests, national sovereignty and national security. Pakistan will not agree to micro-management. Our core interests and concerns will have to be taken into account. This was the message that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton carried back with her. Joint Explanatory Statement focusing on the intent at the U.S. Congress was helpful in clearing some of the apprehensions and misconceptions.

We were assured that the U.S. had no intent to infringe upon Pakistan's sovereignty. The reporting requirements were between the U.S. Government and Congress. We are prepared to enhance our cooperation for regional peace, security and stability. Such a partnership can only be premised on respect for Pakistan's sovereignty and safeguarding of our legitimate national security interests. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's visit greatly helped in contributing towards a better understanding of mutual interests and concerns.

Ladies and Gentelmen,
A dispassionate view would show that Pakistan and U.S. share a strategic relationship based on mutual interests. Both stand committed to building a strong, broad-based and long-term partnership. To reinvigorate this partnership, our two countries will soon launch a result oriented Strategic Dialogue. The U.S. has helped Pakistan in raising around $ 5.2 billion through the Friends of Democratic Pakistan (FODP) forum. It has also contributed $ 310 million for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs). Let me restate that the government will advance Pakistan's relations with the major powers, including the U.S., on the basis of mutual interest. We will never compromise on our national interests. I assure you that this government will do so on mutually-acceptable terms.

Europe
With Europe, the democratic Government has made important movement forward. The first time in our history, we have had an institutional upgrade by the convening of the first Pakistan-EU Summit in Brussels, on 17 June 2009. The Government is working for market access with EU. We have an in-principle agreement for commencing work on FTA. We are also working for GSP plus. We are also working closely with individual European countries particularly U.K. and France to develop and implement bilateral roadmaps. These help provide trajectories and objectives with clear timelines.

Asia
The current global economic and financial crises have overwhelmed states with multiple pressures. Yet some parts of the world have been able to cope with these crises better. Most strategic thinkers are convinced that the future belongs to Asia. Economic and development policies in the region, their demography and continued upward trend of growth indicators reflect ascendancy of these countries. We are striving for strengthening relations with our East Asian partners through our “Look East Policy”. We have FTAs and comprehensive economic relations with a number of Asian partners.

South Asia
Pakistan has deep interest in all South Asian countries which is being pursued bilaterally and through SAARC. The cooperation between Pakistan and its South Asian neighbors, particularly with Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal encompasses political, economic and cultural fields. Besides extending soft loans, Pakistan offers academic and professional scholarships through Pakistan Technical Assistance Programme (PTAP) and Special Assistance Program for South Asia (SAP-SA).

Central Asia
Central Asia is a strategic region to which Pakistan grants the shortest and most economic access to the sea through our highways and seaports. We enjoy cordial relations with all the Central Asian Republics, and are in the process of adding greater economic substance. In this regard, I would like to mention the very successful visit of the President of Pakistan to Tajikistan in July.

Russia
The democratic Government is bringing about a fundamental and strategic transformation in relations with Russia. Greater cooperation in economic, political, and other fields is being developed and strengthened. This includes counter-terrorism and counter-narcotics cooperation. Russia is also being engaged productively in the regional context. On the sidelines of the SCO Summit in Yekaterinburg, the first ever Pakistan – Russia – Afghanistan Summit was held. And at the sidelines of SCO's Prime Minister's meeting in Beijing, Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani and Prime Minister Putin had a useful exchange of views. Earlier, the President participated in the Pakistan-Afghanistan-Tajikistan-Russia Quadrilateral Summit in Dushanbe. Such an engagement with regional players was unprecedented.

Shanghai Cooperation Organization
SCO has in recent years, emerged as an effective regional platform to counter terrorism and narcotics. Central Asia is the main area of focus for SCO. Russia and China are the main players in the Organization. President Asif Ali Zardari participated in the SCO Summit in Yekaterinburg, Russia, in June. Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani attended the Council of Heads of Government in Beijing in October. Pakistan is currently an Observer in SCO. While full membership appears some years off, our calls for Observers to be given greater role in SCO's counter-terrorism, counter-narcotics and economic activities have reverberated. In the years to come, we hope to play a greater and more effective role on this important regional platform.

Economic Cooperation Organization
The Economic Cooperation Organization affords yet another platform to forge linkages with Central Asia, Iran, Turkey, Afghanistan and Azerbaijan. Pakistan is a founding Member of ECO, and exercises a lead role in shaping the agenda and driving the forward momentum. In recent years, ECO has made tangible progress. The ECO Trade and Development Bank has been set up. Its branch will be opened shortly in Islamabad. The train linking Islamabad with Istanbul is a strategic project, on which considerable energy has been invested.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
Foreign policy is a reflection of our internal strengths and weakness. Political stability, Economic Strength and a broad consensus on national priorities, national cohesion and the capacity of our institutions go a long way in enhancing a cemetery diplomatic reach. To my mind, the most important measure required to make the Foreign Policy a potent and viable first line of defence for Pakistan, is to strengthen the Foreign Office, and the Foreign Service of Pakistan. We are attracting the best and the brightest in our country to this strategic institution. We hope to continue to do so. Secondly, we need to give it the resources to submit informed policy inputs to the leadership of the country. Thirdly, linkages with other institutions especially strategic institution have to be reinforced. And finally, we have to expand it in view of our future needs and resources available.

With these words, I would like to open the floor for discussion.